पृष्ठ

सोमवार, 14 सितंबर 2026

Ends and Their Means

Ends and their means are not simple affairs in public life. In public affairs, everyone is inescapably a participant, notwithstanding the distinction between activity and passivity, and everyone receives, in one form or another, whatever public affairs produce, whether pleasing or painful. Yet people hardly take note of the pains of common affairs, as those pains affect people in common, and they tend to take pleasures for granted, as though they were happening on their own.

The intellectual construction of collective ends is, in fact, a critical human need. Wicked people take benefit from weak, faulty, ill-organised, deficient, or manipulated conduct of public affairs that follows from misconceived or mistaken public ends. Their success can then convert their perversion into what they present as personal life goals for others, often within an idealistic framework. The earlier imperial and colonial authoritarian order provides an instructive instance. Its administration of public affairs essentially worked at the subjects' expense and for the benefit of the ruling people and their agencies. Yet the very positions and roles that were instruments of subjecting and imperilling the subjects became enviable possessions for aspiring people from among the subjects themselves, who came to regard attaining such positions as proud accomplishments of life. These roles could include even menial, hazardous, and degrading forms of service to the ruling power. This is only one instance. By the way, Mahatma Gandhi, in contrast, presented a thought for the reclamation of human worth.

Political Science is a far more serious intellectual engagement than what many of its practitioners make of it by merely regurgitating concepts and theories gathered from global history and presenting them fancifully as chapters of knowledge or, worse, though not relevant here, by inventing inconsequential but fanciful ideas merely for self-celebration. Let me elaborate on the first part of what I have just said.

A history chapter on the French Revolution or the Russian Revolution, for instance, may conceal far more than it reveals. It can resemble a cinema that glorifies violence and makes violence thrilling while skipping the depiction of the prolonged, excruciating pain and the profound dislocations it causes to the sufferers and their kin among both the losers and the winners. The events are thus presented primarily through their dramatic political outcomes. In contrast, the human costs of those events, the stratagems of the people involved, and the devastating aftereffects recede into the background. The French Revolution was followed by a reign of extreme terror and unrestrained manslaughter, which later obliterated the distinction between the persecutor and the persecuted. Similarly, the Russian Revolution created a totalitarian regime that collapsed under the weight of its follies merely a few decades later.

In other words, the ugliest things can be masked as attractive. Violence can be made heroic, oppression can be made glorious, and often avoidable suffering can be presented as lofty idealism. One can comprehend the recurrent reality by looking at Orwellian depictions. The intellectual task of Political Science should therefore be not merely to recount political events, institutions, concepts, and theories, but to examine the ends being pursued, the means employed to pursue them, and, most importantly, the immediate and enduring human consequences of both.

Let me end this with an invocation of the Kalyan Mantra:

सर्वे भवन्तु सुखिनः।
सर्वे सन्तु निरामयाः।
सर्वे भद्राणि पश्यन्तु।
मा कश्चिद्दुःखभाग्भवेत्।
ॐ शान्तिः शान्तिः शान्तिः॥

May all be happy. May all be free from illness and suffering. May all see what is auspicious and good. May no one suffer or be afflicted by sorrow. Om, peace, peace, peace.

Niraj Kumar Jha

सोमवार, 31 अगस्त 2026

Educationology

Perhaps the most critical component of civilised life figures least proportionately in our philosophical speculation and scientific studies: education, particularly its content and purpose.

The great masters of the past reflected deeply on education and wisely embedded it within larger moral, social, and political questions. Today, we face a widening lag and gap in our thinking about education itself.

In post-independence India, higher education was, to a considerable extent, turned into an instrument of ideological indoctrination, particularly into leftist thought. The resulting economic backwardness ironically weakened the system’s very capacity to absorb even the graduates produced by the technical education it offered.

We need to think about education, philosophise about it, and study it scientifically. Education is too vital to be left merely to educational practices, the fashioning of pedagogical nitty-gritty, or ideological preferences. We also need to weed out from the frameworks of education what may be called pseudo-education or anti-education.
We need Educationology: a systematic body of philosophical and scientific inquiry into education, its contents, purposes, methods, institutions, and consequences. A distinct discipline and dedicated schools of Educationology are critically needed to understand and strengthen this most vital component of civilised life.

Niraj Kumar Jha

शुक्रवार, 28 अगस्त 2026

The Illusion of Redress

    The template of corrective politics, or perhaps the very ontology of protest, appears to exhibit a recurring problem across societies. The alternative they seek is often a more intense form of what they seek to oppose. The lack of individual security, dignity, opportunities, and purpose often brings people into the open, but they seek redress from an abstract collective entity rather than a safe, conducive ecosystem in which they can exercise their own agency and do things for themselves. Though history has repeatedly shown the limitations of such an approach, they still tend to see themselves primarily as members of an ethnic identity or economic class rather than as citizens, and hence the solutions to their challenges continue to elude them. The deeper problem may lie in this very tendency to look for solutions through collective intervention rather than in the creation of conditions that enable individuals to secure their own well-being, dignity, and purpose. People still have a tendency to imagine some form of transcendent intervention, as though the correction of their condition must come from an agency larger than themselves.

Niraj Kumar Jha

शुक्रवार, 14 अगस्त 2026

The Public, the Private, and the Personal

The distinction between the public, the private, and the personal is vital to human good, dignity, and excellence, both in their recognition and in their proper roles. The public agency is meant to serve private entities so that they operate free of friction or coercion, and to protect the personal from external interference, so long as that does not harm others.

A civilisation distinguishes itself from barbarity by maintaining the sanctity of the private in terms of ownership, autonomy, safety, and ease. A civilisation that forgets this human principle invites either decadence and chaos or a lifeless solidity. The past and the present, history and politics, speak to no other conclusion.

Niraj Kumar Jha

शनिवार, 8 अगस्त 2026

जनतांत्रिक ज्ञानमीमांसा

जनतंत्र अपनी स्वयं की ज्ञानमीमांसा में निहित होता है; ऐसा अन्यथा हो ही नहीं सकता। इसकी आधारशिला व्यक्ति, उसके व्यक्तित्व और संपत्ति की सुरक्षा, उसके अभिकरण की स्वायत्तता तथा उसके अस्तित्व की गरिमा में निहित है। लोकतंत्र का जो आधार देखने में सरल प्रतीत होता है, उसे सार्थकता देने और बनाए रखने के लिए एक जटिल संस्थागत तथा सामाजिक व्यवस्था की आवश्यकता होती है। ऐसी व्यवस्था एक विकसित होती भौतिक और बौद्धिक सामाजिक अवस्था की अपेक्षा करती है, जो उसे निर्मित करने, बनाए रखने और निरंतर विकसित करने में सक्षम हो। यही कारण है कि जिन समाजों में इसके लिए आवश्यक सामाजिक और संस्थागत परिस्थितियाँ विकसित नहीं हुईं, वहाँ लोकतंत्र के लिए सार्थक जड़ें जमाना ऐतिहासिक रूप से कठिन रहा है। भारत में, हालांकि, लोकतंत्र जड़ें जमा सका, क्योंकि यहाँ इसकी गहरी सभ्यतागत विरासतें विद्यमान थीं।

विश्वभर में लोकतंत्र को टिकाए रखने के लिए आवश्यक ज्ञानमीमांसीय आधार अपनी गहराई और प्रतिबद्धता, दोनों में क्षीण हुए हैं। इस क्षरण की पहली बड़ी अभिव्यक्तियों में से एक नवउदारवादी व्यवस्था की पराजय थी, जिसे लोकप्रिय रूप से एलपीजी अर्थात उदारीकरण, निजीकरण और वैश्वीकरण के नाम से जाना गया। दूसरे, विभिन्न महाद्वीपों और सभ्यताओं में अनेक जनांदोलन, ऑक्युपाई वॉल स्ट्रीट से लेकर अरब स्प्रिंग तक, या तो निष्फल हो गए या ऐसे परिणामों में परिणत हुए जिनसे समाजों की स्थिति बेहतर नहीं हुई और कुछ मामलों में पहले से भी बदतर हो गई।

अब सूचना प्रौद्योगिकी (IT) और कृत्रिम बुद्धिमत्ता (AI) का उदय लोकतांत्रिक जीवन-पद्धति के सामने इससे भी अधिक गहरी चुनौती प्रस्तुत कर रहा है, जिसका मूल मानवतावाद और मानवीय गरिमा में निहित है। केंद्रीय प्रश्न केवल व्यवस्था-विचलन का नहीं है, बल्कि मानवता के एक बड़े हिस्से के लिए मानवीय अभिकरण और मेधा के क्रमशः अप्रासंगिक या अनावश्यक होते जाने का है। जब लोग स्वायत्त अभिकर्ता के रूप में कार्य करने की अपनी क्षमता, अवसर या प्रासंगिकता को क्रमशः खोने लगते हैं, तब लोकतंत्र की स्वयं की ज्ञानमीमांसीय आधारशिला कमजोर होने लगती है।

इसके लिए हमें अधिक गहन ‘प्रणाली-चिंतन’ की आवश्यकता है। हमें लोकतंत्र को केवल शासन-व्यवस्था या संस्थाओं के एक समूह के रूप में नहीं, बल्कि मानव अस्तित्व को जानने, उसका मूल्य निर्धारित करने और उसे व्यवस्थित करने की एक पद्धति के रूप में समझना होगा। अंततः लोकतंत्र का अस्तित्व इस बात पर निर्भर करेगा कि हम मनुष्य के पुरुषार्थ को संरक्षित कर पाते हैं या नहीं, और उसे केवल अधिष्ठानावलंबी प्रजा, उपभोक्ता अथवा लगातार अधिक स्वायत्त होती जा रही प्रणालियों के किसी स्वायत्त-प्रणालीगत प्रतिस्थाप्य घटक में बदलने से रोक पाते हैं।

नीरज कुमार झा

Democratic Epistemology

Democracy nests in its own epistemology; it cannot be otherwise. Its foundation lies in the individual, the security of the person and their possessions, the autonomy of their agency, and the dignity of their being. What appears to be the simple basis of democracy requires a complex institutional and social mechanism to give it substance and sustain it. Such a mechanism, in turn, requires an evolved social order capable of creating, maintaining, and renewing it. This is why democracy has historically found it difficult to gain substantive roots in societies where the requisite social and institutional conditions have not evolved. In India, however, it could take root because of its deep civilizational legacies.

Worldwide, the epistemological foundations necessary to sustain democracy have eroded in both depth and commitment. One of the first major manifestations of this erosion was the defeat of the neoliberal order popularly associated with LPG, or liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation. Secondly, across continents and civilisations, many popular movements, from Occupy Wall Street to the Arab Spring, either came to nought or produced outcomes that left societies no better, and in some cases considerably worse, than before.
Now, the rise of ICE and AI poses an even more profound challenge to the desired democratic way of life, whose crux remains humanism and human dignity. The central issue is not merely technological disruption but the growing redundancy of human agency and faculties for a large section of humanity. When people increasingly lose the capacity, opportunity, or relevance to act as autonomous agents, the very epistemological foundations of democracy begin to weaken.

This calls for a deeper systemthink. We need to understand democracy not merely as a form of government or a set of institutions, but as a way of knowing, valuing, and organising human existence. Its survival will ultimately depend on whether we can preserve the human being as an agent, not merely as a subject of governance, a consumer, or a replaceable component of increasingly autonomous systems.

Niraj Kumar Jha

मंगलवार, 4 अगस्त 2026

Vikasdharma: A Dharmic Theory of Development


The only sustainable path to national development is to allow people the greatest possible opportunities to participate in economic activities, subject only to such collective mediation as is necessary and justifiable. When individuals are able to engage in enterprise in a hassle-free environment, they create wealth, generate employment, and foster innovation, all of which contribute to national development.

Indeed, what is commonly described as negative liberalism I regard as positive liberalism. I view it from another, and arguably more realistic, perspective. By leaving initiative in the hands of individuals, particularly the entrepreneurial class, it expanded the scope of voluntary cooperation, enterprise, and civil society. While it is often criticised for producing economic inequality and exploitation, such criticism captures only one part of the historical experience. It is commonly argued that democracy evolved in opposition to exploitation and inequalities. which capitalism engendered. Yet the more substantive historical fact is that capitalism created the economic and social conditions that enabled people to organise themselves, demand a more humane life, and press for political rights. Prosperity generated resources, education, and an increasingly independent middle class, all of which strengthened the capacity for collective action.

The French Revolution of 1789 illustrates this dynamic. Although its causes were multiple, it occurred in one of Europe's most economically dynamic societies, where a commercially prosperous bourgeoisie had acquired sufficient economic strength to challenge the privileges of the ancien régime. More broadly, many institutions of civil society, voluntary associations, professional organisations, trade unions, and democratic movements flourished in societies where individuals enjoyed substantial economic freedom. Thus, rather than viewing liberal capitalism merely as the object of democratic opposition, it may also be understood as one of the principal conditions that made democratic mobilisation and civic advancement possible.

One must also keep in mind what capitalism replaced. It displaced a ruthless feudal order in which ordinary people were often treated little better than the property of their masters. Equally important is the fact that modern imperialism extended the capitalist model to the colonies in exploitative ways, and many of those societies eventually evolved into democratic political orders. This does not absolve imperialism of its sins, but it does suggest that some of the institutional and economic transformations associated with capitalism, most notably the emergence of a capitalist class and a market-based middle class, later provided conditions conducive to democratic development. These social groups acquired sufficient economic independence and organisational capacity to demand political representation, civil liberties, and constitutional government.

This is not to deny that regulations are necessary to prevent crimes, fraud, manipulation, breaches of trust, and other vile tendencies found among people. Nevertheless, the expansion of individual economic liberty has historically been one of the principal forces behind civic mobilisation, institutional development, and national progress. The challenge, therefore, is not to abandon laissez-faire but to optimise it by preserving economic freedom while ensuring that the state performs its essential functions of maintaining the rule of law, protecting competition, enforcing contracts, and preventing coercion, monopoly, and privilege.

The development school, in fact, confused the outcomes of capitalism with the conditions necessary for economic take-off in backward economies. Its emphasis on institutions, governance, property rights, infrastructure, education, and other structural prerequisites mistook the products of a successful developmental process for its primary causes. These institutions are undoubtedly important, but they are themselves the historical outcomes of a society in which informed human agency, entrepreneurship, voluntary cooperation, and economic freedom have been allowed to flourish. Development does not begin with institutions alone; rather, enduring institutions emerge from the cumulative exercise of responsible and productive human agency. It is this agency, more than the institutions it eventually creates, that constitutes the true foundation of development.

The concept of Dharma, in fact, predates the doctrine of laissez-faire by millennia. At its core lies a fundamental principle: the recognition of the proper sphere of individual action and the limits of external interference. Laissez-faire is but one modern economic articulation of this much older civilisational insight. I have invoked it only to explain the dynamics of development in the contemporary world. If we embrace the free-market principle, we are not merely borrowing a lesson from elsewhere; we are, in an important sense, rediscovering an insight long embedded in our own civilisational wisdom.

At its core, dharma enjoins each person to pursue one's legitimate pursuits without encroaching upon the legitimate sphere of others. Correspondingly, rajdharma requires the state not to direct or usurp the legitimate pursuits of individuals, but to ensure that no one interferes with others, violates justice, or undermines the common good. Its role is not to substitute individual initiative with bureaucratic control, but to preserve the conditions in which freedom, justice, and social harmony can coexist. Economic freedom, therefore, is not antithetical to the Indian conception of governance; rather, it is entirely consistent with a dharmic order in which individual initiative flourishes within a framework of justice, public responsibility, and the rule of law.

Viewed in this light, laissez-faire is neither a foreign prescription nor an imported ideology. It is a modern economic expression of a principle that Indian civilisation recognised long ago: individuals should be free to pursue their legitimate ends, while the state ensures that such freedom is exercised without injustice, coercion, or harm to others.

Niraj Kumar Jha