Hierarchy in India: A Corrective Thesis

My thesis is that India was neither uniquely hierarchical nor rightly understood through the singular lens of hierarchy; it was uniquely theorised as such. The tendency of societies to reproduce status through family, occupation, marriage circles, inherited wealth, and social networks has been near-universal. Elsewhere, it appeared through aristocracy, serfdom, guild privilege, landed inheritance, racial exclusion, slavery, elite schooling, and closed class systems, often sustained by sharper legal barriers and more centralised coercion. Yet these were usually narrated as stages of history, regrettable episodes, or ordinary sociology. In the case of India, comparable tendencies were more insistently named, codified, and later foregrounded by colonial and modern discourse as though they disclosed the essence of an entire civilisation. What was widely human was thus rendered peculiarly Indian. What was widely human was thus rendered peculiarly Indian. Strangely, even many Indians collaborated in this project. I am inclined to attribute much of it to naivete, intellectual conditioning, or the prestige of imported frameworks rather than always to conscious malice, though some among them continue to be treated as patron saints of Indian scholarship.

A further distortion lay in imagining India itself as ordered through a single, neat, occupation-based pyramid. Much of the subcontinent was marked instead by complex and locally varied arrangements in which status was contextual, layered, and often criss-crossing rather than linear. Ritual esteem in one sphere could coexist with political weakness in another; those commanding land, arms, trade, wealth, or state power could outrank ritually honoured groups in practical life. Social standing shifted by region, dynasty, sect, economic role, and circumstance. The very meaning of the “superior” changed with the domain being considered. To compress this fluid and plural order into a rigid schema is to mistake a highly differentiated civilisation for a simplified abstraction.

My further contention is that India’s inequities, though real, were in many respects milder, more diffused, and less uniformly brutal than several forms of stratification elsewhere. Europe’s feudal bondage, inquisitions, religious wars, hereditary nobility, and imperial violence; the chattel slavery and racial orders of the Atlantic world; and other systems of state-backed domination often carried severities of another scale and texture. This is not to romanticise India, but to refuse the habit of flattening all hierarchies into one category while making India their chosen emblem.

Even this comparison remains incomplete, for Indian civilisation also preserved within itself recurrent correctives against social hardening. The meeting of Rama and Shabari in Ramcharitmanas, before the teaching of Navadha Bhakti, is among the clearest expressions of this spirit. There, birth, pedigree, and worldly station are quietly set aside before devotion. The ninefold path esteems humility, sincerity, remembrance, trust, self-restraint, and love of the divine, not inherited rank. Bhakti here is not an ornament added to hierarchy; it is a solvent of hierarchy. It reminds us that the most refined thing a human being can bear is not superiority, but inner elevation.

India should therefore be understood not as the singular home of hierarchy, but as the civilisation most insistently interpreted through that lens, despite the comparative mildness of many of its historical forms of stratification and despite the deep indigenous resources it sustained for transcending hierarchy altogether.

Niraj Kumar Jha

Kaon Jaat Hauw [Which caste you are]?

I saw a so-called journalist asking every person, lady or gentleman,  on election day only one question - kaon jaat hauw [which caste you are]? Others may be doing the same. So many analysts know no other method of reckoning than caste arithmetic. This I find not only a wrong way of inquiry or analysis as this yields no correct outcome but also an abhorrent practice in the name of journalism or scholarship. I see such persons have no self-respect as they go on insulting sprees not sparing any lady or gentleman on the street. Isn't it showing gross disrespect to a citizen to ask their caste on the day they are performing their most crucial democratic role? In that particular coverage, many individuals did not take their caste names and yet the journalist insisted that his respondents speak their caste identity. This is to treat the members of this great republic as dumb herds. In India democracy survives, nay thrives, despite these so-called intellectuals but because of the common folks of the country. I see them or each of us as the greats as they are the people who sustain the largest democracy on the planet despite all the things contrary to conditions needed for a democracy to survive. 

This is not to deny that caste is a factor when a person selects a button on EVM to press, but it is not the sole factor and not a factor every time. The other related fact which is grossly ignored is that caste coincides with so many other factors like kinship network, locality, economic conditions, gender relations, so on and so forth, and all these conditions do act on the decision of an elector but analysts simply do not pay heed to the fact. 

Let me add this here that the commoners of the county remain secular and political savvy on the whole despite they have been subjected to all undemocratic ideas and institutions as the imperial-colonial structure-function continued and the Bolsheviks decided its goals.  

Niraj Kumar Jha